Justice Lens

Enforcement vs reported crime

Published July 2026 · Data window: MPD incidents vs stops (2023–2025) and arrests (2013–2025)

The strongest defense of enforcement geography is that police go where crime is. This page tests it against MPD's own incident data, which publishes only victim-initiated offenses, so police presence cannot inflate the denominator. Measured against the crime residents actually report: frisks in majority-Black districts exceed the crime baseline under BOTH denominators, all victim crime and violent crime alone; stops, arrests depend on the denominator: above the baseline against all victim crime, at or below it against violent crime, which concentrates east of the river.

2.72×

Frisks per reported victim crime in majority-Black districts relative to the rest of DC, the measure that stays elevated under every denominator this page can construct.

MPD frisks per reported crime, 2023–2025District 1 (1D): local index 1.04×11.04×District 2 (2D): local index 0.31×20.31×District 3 (3D): local index 0.56×30.56×District 4 (4D): local index 0.65×40.65×District 5 (5D): local index 0.94×50.94×District 6 (6D): local index 1.73×61.73×District 7 (7D): local index 3.07×73.07×Frisks per crime, skew1.0× (matches reported crime)3.07×

Each district shaded by its frisk skew: its share of pat-down searches divided by its share of reported victim crime. Click a district for its full page.

The sensitivity matrix

Majority-Black districts (5, 6, 7) versus the rest, enforcement per reported crime, under both denominators. Showing both is the point: a result that depends on the denominator is reported as exactly that.

Measurevs all victim crime vs violent crime only
Stops (2023–2025)1.44×0.75×
Frisks (2023–2025)2.72×1.41×
Arrests (2013–2025)2.01×0.91×

And what those frisks find

Frisks in majority-Black districts found contraband slightly MORE often (14.9% vs 12.7%). The volume skew is not a story of fruitless searches; what it measures is how much more of this intrusion residents of those districts absorb per reported crime. Who gets frisked once police are anywhere is the separate question, answered on the searches page, where hit rates by race are statistically indistinguishable.

Frisks, 2023–2025With recorded outcome Something seizedHit rate
Majority-Black districts (5, 6, 7)7,685 1,14314.9%
Rest of DC4,829 61212.7%

Same significance gate as the outcome test (two-proportion z-test, z = 3.45); a direction is only ever asserted when it holds.

Districts are listed in numeric order. This is not a ranking: each skew compares a district's enforcement share to its own reported-crime share.

DistrictBlack popVictim-crime shareStop share Stop skewFrisk skew
District 125.0%13.5%14.1%1.04×1.04×
District 28.0%17.7%13.1%0.74×0.31×
District 322.0%18.6%15.6%0.84×0.56×
District 448.6%13.3%11.6%0.87×0.65×
District 556.7%16.6%18.0%1.08×0.94×
District 688.4%12.2%14.0%1.15×1.73×
District 786.5%8.0%13.7%1.71×3.07×

Stops and frisks 2023–2025 against victim crime in the same window.

Arrests, thirteen years

DistrictVictim-crime shareArrest share Arrest skew
District 114.3%15.3%1.07×
District 217.8%7.9%0.45×
District 318.6%12.7%0.68×
District 413.0%10.6%0.81×
District 514.9%16.6%1.11×
District 612.9%18.9%1.46×
District 78.6%18.1%2.11×

How this number is built (and where it's soft)

Related: Stop representation by district  |  Searches: the outcome test  |  All analyses